Tentative Classification Of Qualities In Terms Of Projection And Expansion

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 211):

The SFL Perspective On Nominal Group Complexity

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 726, 728-9):

Typically, written language becomes complex by being lexically dense: it packs a large number of lexical items into each clause; whereas spoken language becomes complex by being grammatically intricate: it builds up elaborate clause complexes out of parataxis and hypotaxis. … 

The nominal group is the primary resource used by the grammar for packing in lexical items at high density. … In written language, the clausal patterns are typically rather simple; but the ideational content is densely packed in nominal constructions … And it is the written kind of complexity that involves grammatical metaphor.

The Intermediate Status Of Qualities

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 208):

Projections And Expansions Construed As Things

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 202):

Comparison Of Nominal And Verbal Group Structures

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 180):

The Spectrum Of Circumstances According To The Different Types Of Expansion And Projection

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 174):

Doing & Being As Complementary Perspectives On Change

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 161):

Expansion Relations Between Ergative Functions

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 158):

Delicacy, Realisation And Instantiation As Modes Of Relational Processes

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 145):

The Orientations Of The Different Types Of Sensing

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 144):

The Overall Semantic Space Of Figures With Principal Areas Of Indeterminacy And Complementarity

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 137):

Rallying The Discourse Analysts To The Latest Cause

Process Types In Clause Grammar

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 136):

Types Of Figure As Domains Of Experience

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 131):

The Possibilities Of Projecting Sequences

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 116):

Consciousness In Projection And The Two Levels Of Metaphenomena

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 108):

Congruent Lexicogrammatical Realisations Of Semantic Elements

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 55):

Congruent Lexicogrammatical Realisations Of Semantic Phenomena

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 49):

Consensus Vs Truth

Ideational Semantic System

Halliday & Matthiessen (1999: 67):

Trying To Explain Theory To A Wally

Judgement

Grammar Checker

Measuring Semantic Density

Dreyfus And Hao On Circumstantial Meaning

A multi-stratal perspective on circumstantial meaning

Shoshana Dreyfus (with Jing Hao in absentia)

This presentation provides a ‘broader’ understanding of what is previously known from a grammatical perspective as ‘circumstantial meaning’ or circumstantiation. This ‘broader’ perspective takes into account more abstract meanings beyond grammar, considering both field (at the register stratum) and discourse semantics, in addition to lexicogrammar. The paper shows how the lexicogrammar alone is not able to adequately account for the meaning potential of ‘circumstantial meaning’, and how by examining this region of meaning from three strata, a fuller account of circumstantial meaning is made possible. A richer account of circumstantial meaning is necessary because, while circumstances may be considered structurally peripheral, earlier explorations of circumstantial meaning (such as Dreyfus & Jones 2008, 2011; Dreyfus & Bennett 2017) show that this area of meaning often makes important contributions to the register of any given text and to the building of disciplinary knowledge. This exploration is demonstrated through two texts: a student’s high scoring piece of creative writing from the subject of English in the final year of schooling and a synopsis of a history book on the Chinese fishing industry in colonial Australia. These texts reveal the significantly different ways in which circumstantial meanings are used in different subject areas – i.e. to contribute to setting up an ‘ambience’ in literary texts and to developing knowledge in history.

Blogger Comments:

[1] To be clear, as Halliday & Matthiessen (1999) have argued, the 'broader', 'more abstract' meanings that are manifested in circumstantiation are the highly generalised categories of expansion and projection, which they term 'transphenomenal' because they 'operate across the various categories of phenomena' (p223), and generate patterns that constitute 'fractal types' because:

… they are principles of construing our experience of the world that generate identical patterns of semantic organisation which are of variable magnitude and which occur in variable semantic environments.

[2] To be clear, in SFL theory, 'field' is the ideational dimension of context — from the culture as potential to varying institutions/situation types to varying situations as instances.  Register, on the other hand, as a functional variety of language, is a sub-potential of language, not the systemic potential of context.  Here the authors are merely repeating Martin's (1992) misunderstandings of field, context and register, as demonstrated here (field), here (context), and here (register).

[3] To be clear, in SFL theory, it is the grammar that construes ('intellectually constructs') the semantics.  That is why understanding the grammar (wording) of a language is the means of understanding its semantics (meaning).

[4] Here the authors misinterpret the peripheral status of circumstances in terms of ergativity as peripheral status in terms of semogenesis (making meaning), and use this misinterpretation as a straw man against which to argue.

[5] To be clear, in SFL theory, knowledge is meaning, and 'disciplinary knowledge' is the meaning (semantics) that realises an institution (context sub-potential).  Both levels of symbolic abstraction involve all metafunctions, and so are not limited to field (context) and ideational meaning (semantics).

Student And Supervisor

Circumstantiation: One Of The Many Manifestations Of Expansion And Projection

Halliday & Matthiessen (2014: 669-73, 676):

Let us now present a systematic and comprehensive summary of the different grammatical environments in which elaboration, extension and enhancement are manifested: see Table 10-3. As the table shows, the environments of manifestation can be differentiated in terms of (i) metafunction – textual (CONJUNCTION), logical (INTERDEPENDENCY; MODIFICATION) and experiential (CIRCUMSTANTIATION; PROCESS TYPE: relational), and (ii) rank – clause and group/phrase. (The table could, in fact, be extended downwards along the rank scale to take account of patterns below the rank of group/phrase within the logical metafunction: word and morpheme complexes also embody interdependency relations that combine with expansion.) 

From a grammatical point of view, the environments set out in Table 10-3 are, of course, all different. But seen from above, from the vantage point of semantics, they are all agnate ways of construing expansion. Collectively they thus construe expansion as a semantic system. This means that for any given type of expansion we want to express, we have at our disposal a range of resources. For example, if we want to express an enhancing relationship of cause, the opportunities made available by the grammar include the one set out in Table 10-4. 

… Let’s now turn to the semantic domain of projection. Like expansion, projection is manifested both logically and experientially within the ideational metafunction; but outside the ideational domain, it is manifested interpersonally rather than textually, thus contrasting with the textual manifestation of expansion: see Table 10-5.

 

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